“The Invisible Arab”: As Not Seen on TV

“They took everyone by surprise, including themselves,” reads the introduction to “The Invisible Arab: The Promise and Peril of the Arab Revolution,” an engaging new book by Marwan Bishara, Senior Political Analyst for Al Jazeera English. In a brisk, thoroughly reported narrative, Mr. Bishara traces decades of the social and political evolution of the nameless, invisible Arabs who dreamed and then willed the revolutions we have come to know as the Arab Spring. Acknowledging the vulnerabilities which still threaten the evolution of these movements, the writer yet declares them an irreversible break with the past.

Describing his book as an essay, Mr. Bishara—who is also the host of Al Jazeera’s “Empire,” a program on global powers and their interests—delivers a sweeping, provocative and at times entertaining tale, revolution jokes and all.

While recognizing the catapulting role of youth–60 percent of the region’s population—and their networking tools in bringing the people to the public square and toppling some of the world’s most notorious dictators in a matter of weeks, Mr. Bishara contends this is only the camera-ready part of the revolutions’ narrative.

Rising labor forces, women activists, community organizers—football teams!—and emerging Arab news networks are generously credited for their contributions to the Arab Awakening. At the same time, he scathingly exposes those who propped up, defended or cut deals with deceitful and influence-peddling rulers, allowing them to buy time with empty promises, slogans and peripheral reforms. Islamic groups—the big winners of the revolution–are also faulted for their lack of commitment to democratic principles.

International, regional and nationalistic interests and allegiances that justified and empowered repressive regimes across the birthplace of human civilization are wholly deconstructed. From Morocco to Iran, from Somalia to Turkey—skipping only the monarchy of Qatar—Mr. Bishara distills the complexity of the region into a succinct yet meaningful and insightful chronicle.

Western readers are in for an awakening of their own, as Mr. Bishara lays bare the stereotypes and misconceptions about Arabs—as people–which have kept them conveniently invisible to the world, feeding doubts about their appetite and capacity for democracy. He highlights the divide between the region and the West that he sees as amplified by Western media, and complicated by 9/11. Mr. Bishara does not hold back feelings, using strong, not-always-journalistic language to describe Western leaders, policies and world views. But for the willing reader, “The Invisible Arab” is a mind-stretching journey halfway across a cultural divide.

American readers are in for many a humbling moment throughout the book, particularly in a section titled “Manufacturing a Modern Day ‘Lawrence of Arabia.’” Former National Security Adviser and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is quoted crediting the Bush administration’s “freedom agenda” with a role in the democratization of the Middle East. Cited in an interview with Fox News, former Vice President Dick Cheney makes a direct connection between the invasion of Iraq and the Arab Spring. Needless to say, Mr. Bishara does not fail to contrast these claims with a 2004 visit to the Bush White House by Tunisian dictator, Ben Ali, and President Obama’s visit with Hosni Mubarak, six months before the Egyptian uprising.

As the Arab revolution continues to evolve and unfold–and the West gasps at the electoral wins of Islamist parties—Mr. Bishara debates the way forward, juxtaposing what he terms the “two faces of the new pan-Islamic revival”: the Turkish model of “cooperation and coordination” between the secular and the religious (favored by the revolutionaries) versus the Iranian theocratic framework where, elected parliament and president notwithstanding, all yield to the Supreme Leader.

“Fasten Your Seat Belts,” is the title of a section on the colossal difficulties ahead. Mr. Bishara’s closing thoughts include a warning about “victims becoming victimizers”; a call to Arab intellectuals to transform “the social and political revolutions into a cultural revolution that affects all aspects of Arab life”; and a strong defense of “a civic constitution that enshrines human values” and “protects the rights of secular and religious alike.”

Released on February 1 by Nation Books, “The Invisible Arab” is an insightful and absorbing read for inquiring minds, and a valuable tool for students of the Middle East. As globally resonant events continue to unfold in the region, a sequel is clearly in order.

 

 

Egypt: The Revolution’s Sense of Humor

In reading about the heroes of the Egyptian revolution this past week, I came across the word “fatalist” several times, in the writing of Western commentators [example]. I was surprised by the qualifier and wish to offer some counter-evidence with an example of Egyptian sense of humor. I am in the process of reading “THE INVISIBLE ARAB: The Promise and Peril of the Arab Revolution,” by Marwan Bishara, Al Jazeera English Senior Political Director, published by Nation Books, 2012 (I will review it shortly). In it Mr. Bishara shares some revolution jokes passed around Tahrir Square. Here’s a short sample:

The interior minister asks Hosni Mubarak to write a farewell letter to the Egyptian people. Mubarak replies: “Why? Where are they going?”

Never far from Tahrir Square?

 

Tahrir Square: Whose Revolution?

Anyone rooting for Egyptians and the progress of their revolution was up against a nerve-racking week of news and analysis surrounding the one-year anniversary of the first coordinated protests at Tahrir Square. Tension and uncertainty seemed to temper all: foreign policy experts sounded alarmed at the sweeping electoral victories of Islamist parties and possible implications for the US and Israel; Egypt’s brand-new parliament convening for the first time was off to a raucous and over-heated start; protest-weary Egyptians were calling for the end of all demonstrations to give the democratic process a chance; activists threatened to occupy Tahrir until the military lets go of its grip on power; and the crowds who returned to the Square to ratify the country’s break with the past and remember their fallen heroes scuffled [Associated Press reported] over the appropriateness of events, the role of the military, and the timeline of the next big test: the drafting of the constitution. (Arrived in Cairo on the night of January 24, Mara Revkin, assistant director of the Atlantic Council’s Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East and editor of Egypt Source, has been reporting fromTahrir Square and keeping a detailed and engaging timeline of events and developments.)

assistant director of the Atlantic Council’s Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East and editor of Egypt Source, has been reporting fromTahrir Square and keeping a detailed and engaging timeline of events and developments.)

[Published on Jan 25, 2012 by AssociatedPress]

A week earlier, Wael Ghonim, the young Internet activist and former Google executive who lead the Facebook mobilization of the January 25th protests—also the author of a newly released memoir, “Revolution 2.0”—sat down for an interview with NPR’s Steve Inskeep jump-started the discussion with this question: “What do you think has gone wrong?”

There’s a whole other book waiting to be written on the assumptions behind the question, but Ghonim’s measured answer echoes the under-appreciated political fortitude of a people who—contrary to Western perceptions—never quite capitulated to its brutal regime. “So, actually I think that there are a lot of achievements,” Mr. Ghonim said, naming the evidence: free elections, massive voter turnout and a democratically elected parliament.  “There are also many challenges,” he added, “which is expected, because revolutions, they are processes, not events, and it will take time.”

Whether attempting to reflect American public perceptions, or the impatience for the process of change that trammels our own, older democracy, Inskeep insisted:  “Although, haven’t more secular or liberal forces in Egypt lost ground in the last several months compared to where they seemed to be at the beginning of this revolution?” Young Ghonim was unfazed:  “I really think that this doesn’t matter. What matters is that there is democracy, and that people are empowered to make their own choices.”  He argued that, this time around, Egyptians cast their votes on the candidates’ reputation; next, they would vote on the candidates’ performance. Mr. Inskeep: “[…] they would lose credibility. Is that what you’re saying?” Wrong. Ghonim is not waiting on the sieve of credibility: “I don’t want anybody to lose credibility. I want all the Egyptians to unite and fix their own issues, because the issues are much bigger than a party or an ideology to solve.”  (Barely, barely resisting the parallels and the lessons to our own politics.)

Idealism? Wisdom? Much-needed hope? With two thirds of the population under 30-years of age, and an unemployment rate of thirty-five percent among the same age group, growing economic distress is, unfortunately, the safest prediction to be made about Egypt’s near future, and its youth will need all the hope they can muster. But these young millions—the sons and daughters of Arabs who dreamed and willed the revolution for decades—took dictators and the world by surprise, and, inEgypt, they even took the established and organized opposition by surprise! (And they were none too-quick to join them on the Square.)

In an upcoming post, I will be reviewing, “The Invisible Arab: The Promise and Peril of the Arab Revolution,” by Marwan Bishara, Al Jazeera English senior political analyst, published by Nation Books (February 1, 2012). In it, Bishara traces decades of the social and political seeds planted by “invisible” Arabs who never wearied of the long process of change.

A note to Arab readers:
This and future posts on the evolution of the Egyptian and Tunisian revolutions are part of a novel experiment: a blogged master’s thesis. I am particularly interested in hearing from Arab women, youth, artists and labor activists. I welcome your comments and would love to hear your story, here or on Facebook. Invite me to follow you on Twitter @AmadorSq.

America’s Digital Divide, 30 Years From Now

As more aspects of our lives move online and grow dependent on fast-speed Internet, new data on broadband access in the U.S. show a widening gap that leaves behind the poor, rural areas, and minorities. While the majority of Americans with high-speed Internet gain easier and faster access to an information-based world, an equally significant number of people stand to miss out or lag behind on education, job and business opportunities, healthcare services, entertainment and culture—and grow more isolated.

“Exploring the Digital Nation,” a recently released report by the Department of Commerce’s Economics and Statistics Administration and National Telecommunications and Information Administration, found a strong correlation between broadband adoption and income. While 7-out-of-10 households in the U.S. enjoyed broadband service in 2010, the rate dropped to 4-out-of-10 in households with annual incomes below $25,000. However, socio-economic factors alone do not account for the racial, ethnic and geographic lines of the digital divide. According to the report, only 65 percent of Black and 67 percent of Hispanic households had a computer; and only 55/57 respectively subscribed to broadband—compared with 72 percent of whites.

In “The New Digital Divide,” an essay published in The New York Times, author Susan Crawford, a former special assistant to President Obama for science, technology and innovation policy, divides the Internet into two marketplaces: “high-speed wired and second-class wireless”—superhighway versus “bike path,” as she puts it. Referring to the same report, Crawford notes that while 200 million Americans are wired at home, millions more remain offline, and are economically or geographically limited to phone-line connections or smartphone wireless—subject to carriers’ data caps and slow connection speeds.

The high-cost of wired infrastructure, its concentration in urban and suburban areas, and a lack of alternatives or competition in less populated areas, contributes to rising costs and increased adoption of wireless only. And so it is that, according to Crawford, the U.S. ranked 12^th in broadband access among other developed countries (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development). Crawford credits other nations’ progress on regulatory policy that promotes competition and lower prices.

OECD Graphic

More importantly, when economic concerns continue to justify hardships for the most vulnerable and breaks for the wealthiest among us, Ms. Crawford makes a compelling economic case for high-speed information access:

The new digital divide raises important questions about social equity in an information-driven world. But it is also a matter of protecting our economic future. Thirty years from now, African-Americans and Latinos, who are at the greatest risk of being left behind in the Internet revolution, will be more than half of our work force. If we want to be competitive in the global economy, we need to make sure every American has truly high-speed wired access to the Internet for a reasonable cost.

Egypt’s Elections: Owning the Revolution

Egyptians young and old, educated or illiterate—and unprecedented numbers of women—were early to rise and quick to line outside polling stations to participate in the first free elections in 30 years, nine months after the ousting of Hosni Mubarak.

Women voters outside a polling station in Alexandria. Photo by Evan Hill/AlJazeera

News and analysis of Egypt’s elections have been largely about looming dangers and uncertainties facing the country, the violence and divisions of recent weeks, and the worries and skepticism of the International Community.

But for Egyptians, Tunisians, and anyone who has ever experienced life under a dictatorship, the site of people lining up to vote is cause for jubilation and the most reassuring sign that the revolution is working.

Some Egyptian activists chose to boycott the election, partly because they feel the same old guard is in charge of the process—“a circus,” one Egyptian blogger and activist called it (Al Jazeera). A complicated and staggered election system (Reuters), hundreds of parliamentary seats to fill, thousands of unknown candidates, and even the predictability of results (CFR), are all less than ideal circumstances. But Egyptian voters deserve their day of pride and jubilation. Considering voter turnout, and the remarkable engagement of youth and women voters, they also deserve to be hopeful and be trusted with their future.

The New Arab Revolt, an e-book published by the Council of Foreign Relations in May of this year, begins with a reference toPortugal’s 1974 “carnation revolution,” a bloodless military coup that ended 48 years of fascist ruling. I remember walking to the market after school that day in April and wondering about the cheers in the distance. Soldiers stood on armored cars circling the market, while vendors and shoppers clapped, cheered, and threw flowers. In those days, the country had but two state-run TV channels which aired only in the afternoon and evening. It was mostly word-of-mouth that spread news of the revolution, and with such limited means of speech, it’s hard to imagine how the people, instead of the military, could have overthrown the regime. Tumultuous years of political and social upheaval would follow, but the democratic process was nonetheless established.

Nearly a year ago, one young Tunisian man—Mohamed Bouazizi—could not have imagined the revolutions his tragic protest would spark across the Middle East(see this interactive timeline at The Guardian). The human cost of these movements must be present to individual countries and the International Community, as they choose their place in this new world order. But youth, their aspirations and demands, have been at heart and helm of these bold revolutions. Media and technology have played a powerful role in mobilizing protesters and exposing authoritarian rulers and regimes. Political consciousness and solidarity have given shape and strength to civil societies, making it increasingly difficult for recalcitrant establishments to go unchallenged.

And that’s enough to feel hopeful for Egyptians as they go to the polls.

[Note: This post appeared in the Huffington Post]

Teaching children to eat healthy is too costly for US Congress

Fighting childhood obesity–who could argue against it when 17% of American children, ages 2-19, are obese, and childhood obesity has nearly tripled in the last 30 years? (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention) The US congress has argued and ruled against it! This mostly-male institution, made up of many fathers and grandparents, has decided that teaching healthier eating habits to America’s children is simply too expensive—never mind the long-term health care costs of childhood obesity—and besides, government shouldn’t be telling children what they can and cannot eat, GOP leaders defended.

Photograph leading Le Monde's article, "To American Congress tomato sauce on pizza is a vegetable"

Against the recommendation of the Institute of Medicine of the National Academy of Sciences, the US Department of Agriculture—as well as Mission: Readiness, a group of retired generals who sees America’s steep trend in childhood obesity as a threat to national security–the House and Senate voted to loosen the standards on healthy foods being served in school cafeterias–by calling pizza a vegetable, a main ingredient being tomato paste! (Why not call soda and candy vegetables too, a main ingredient being sugar—produced from sugar cane, a vegetable!)

Whose recommendations did our government follow instead? Those of Big Food lobbying interests:

“This agreement […] recognizes the significant amounts of potassium, fiber and vitamins A and C provided by tomato paste, ensuring that students may continue to enjoy healthy meals such as pizza and pasta,” said Kraig Naasz, president of the American Frozen Food Institute.

SOURCES AND RELEVANT ARTICLES:
Bloomberg News: Congress Pushes Back on Healthier School Lunches
Huffington Post: Pizza is a Vegetable? Congress Defies Logic, Betrays Our Children
Le Monde: Pour les élus américains, la sauce tomate des pizzas est un légume

UPDATE–November 28, 2011

The Washington Post: No, Congress did not declare pizza a vegetable

Congress passed a revised agriculture appropriations bill last week, essentially making it easier to count pizza sauce as a serving of vegetables. The move has drawn widespread outrage from consumer advocates and pundits, who see “pizza is a vegetable.” as outlandish.

There’s just one little misperception: Congress didn’t declare pizza to be a vegetable. And, from a strictly nutritional standpoint, there’s decent evidence that lawmakers didn’t exactly bungle this decision.

Let’s revisit the facts: Despite what one might expect from the headlines, if you scour the agriculture appropriations bill, referenced in numerous stories, you won’t find a single mention of the word “pizza,” or even “vegetable,” for that matter.

This is not a fight over pizza. It is, instead, a fight about tomato paste. Specifically, it’s a fight about how much of the product counts as one serving of vegetables.

[full article...]

Thank you, Andrew Revkin, Dot Earth/NYT, for pointing this out–a good example of how easy it is, for professionals and the amateurs relying on them, to “overplay” any news. But as Revkin, a blog veteran, also noted in an email exchange, “on the Web it’s very tough to get to bedrock, but the power of the web community lies in the reality that assertions and assumptions are all tested 24/7.”

Tumblr Leads Push to Stop Web Piracy Act

Tumblr users who logged in to their accounts today, were given the experience of a censored Internet. All images and text were blacked out, and this announcement appeared at the top of the page:

Filling out the form below with a phone number and zip code, and selecting, “Call My Representative,” would prompt an immediate call from Tumblr founder, David Karp. He encouraged users to stay on the phone to be connected to their US Congress Representative. “Be polite,” he urged, but tell your representative how important it is to keep “an open and uncensored Internet.”

As Karp explained, the US congress held a hearing today on the proposed “Stop Online Piracy Act” (SOPA). The bill has bipartisan and bicameral backing and is a seemingly well-intended piece of legislation: “to protect American intellectual property from counterfeiting and piracy.” However, SOPA would give broad new powers to copyright owners, other private entities and law enforcement officials to demand that Websites block access to copyright infringers, and to hold Web companies liable for pirated content.

You need only to Goolge “stop online piracy act” or “protect ip act” to get the nervous-to-angry pulse of the tech community on the subject. The Tumblr announcement links to a letter to the Judiciary Committee signed by AOL, eBay, Facebook, Google, LinkedIn, Mozilla, Twitter, Yahoo!, and the Zynga Game Network–yes, gamers, this could affect you as well! You can follow the debate at Twitter’s #SOPA. According to a Tweet by EFF (Electronic Frontier Foundation),  ”@Tumblr is generating 3.6 calls per second to Congress opposing #SOPA!”

SOME RELEVANT LINKS:
US Congress: The House Hearing
Huffington Post: SOPA, Stop Online Piracy Act, Stirs Controversy
The Washington Post: Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA) sparks backlash from Facebook, Google
The New York Times:  Stop the Great Firewall of America (opinion)
Reuters: Google Argues Against U.S. Online Piracy Bill
ars technica: Revised ‘Net censorship bill requires search engines to block sites, too
EFF: SOPA: Hollywood Finally Gets A Chance to Break the Internet